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Even Tinubu is not sure if Wale Edun resigned or was sacked

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Tinubu

Tinubu faces criticism amid confusion over Wale Edun’s exit as questions grow over whether the former finance minister resigned or was sacked

WALE Edun ceased being anonymous decades ago when he made his name elsewhere.
He is so close to Tinubu, politically, that if the now President drawled Wale, nobody would be guessing who he meant.
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Yet we have been left guessing how the former Minister of Finance and Coordinating Minister of the Economy left office.

It is another proof that the only important thing to Tinubu is his re-election which is getting tougher.

“It has been a pleasure and privilege to serve your administration and the Renewed Hope Agenda,” a press statement by Bayo Onanuga, President Tinubu’s Media Adviser claimed Edun wrote in his letter of resignation.

“Under your leadership, Nigeria has emerged stronger, more resilient, and more internationally respected.

“I wish you and the administration every success in the future”.

Onanuga’s press release of 22 April was meant to refute the absurdity of Tinubu not knowing how to present the departure of Edun, who had resigned as Commissioner of Finance from Tinubu’s cabinet in 2004 when Tinubu was in his second term as Governor of Lagos State.

Edun’s ill-health had also been cited then as the reason for his resignation.

In the light of the flagging performance of Tinubu, if Edun a close associate, an astute economist and investment banker resigned, it could be seen as a verdict on the government.

The story would be worse if Edun were sacked after Tinubu had leveraged his expertise in praising the administration’s economic reforms.

Was Tinubu caught unawares by Edun’s resignation? Could anyone be allowed to walk out of Tinubu, who appears more stranded by the day?

Onanuga, in his statement, doubled down on Edun’s illustrious private sector career, “Before then, he worked from 1980 to 1986 at Chase Merchant Bank (later Continental) in Lagos. He joined the World Bank in September 1986 through the elite Young Professionals Programme, where he worked on economic and financial packages for several countries in Latin America and the Caribbean.
“In 1989, he co-founded Investment Banking & Trust Company Limited (now Stanbic IBTC) and served as executive director.

In 1994, he founded Denham Management Limited, which has since become the Chapelhill Denham Group. He served as chairman from 2008 to 2021.

Onanuga was 24 hours behind schedule with his curated rebuttal of how other Tinubu worshippers saw Edun. They wanted him out and got Tinubu’s buy-in.

Their dilemma was having no explanation for how suddenly the high-performing economy had conflicting figures of where things stood. They blamed Edun for that.

Edun had been public with poor performance of the budget, low funding of capital projects, rising debts, more borrowing.

These contradicted Tinubu’s claims about how removal of petroleum subsidy had saved the economy, led to a new prosperity.

In trying to defend Tinubu, he took the blame for low releases for capital projects. We are to believe that there were tonnes of money for the projects and Edun refused to release them.

An admission from the Office of Secretary to Government of the Federation – Edun was removed “to strengthen cohesion and synergy in governance.

In other words, he was sacked.

Edun had just stepped off the plane from representing Nigeria at the World Bank meetings in Washington. The urgency of removing was obvious.

Nigerians are not buying the stories that “ill-health” saw Edun out of the cabinet. Onanuga said Edun wanted to be excused so that he could focus on “his private business”.

Almost sounds like an allegation of Edun prioritising personal business over the public’s.

Tinubu cannot sack anyone over such a tribial matter.
Edun, whether he resigned or was sacked, raises more questions about accountability, insecurity, and the “primary purpose of Tinubu’s administration”.

Finally…
KENYAN President William Ruto, possibly irked by President Tinubu’s comment in Yenagoa that Kenyans were suffering more than Nigerians, mauled Nigeria with responses that supervened the matter.

“Our education is good. If you listen to a Nigerian speak English, you’ll need a translator. We’ve the best human capital anywhere in the world,” Ruto said in a video that has gone viral.

Some communication experts suggest that the response was directly targetted at Tinubu, and not other Nigerians.

FRIDAY morning started for me with the depressing story of Lisa Stephen who bandits left for dead after amputating her.

Her story on Channel 4 is still on Arise TV YouTube platform.

She lives in Widows Village, near Jos, a place that earned its name from its population of widows who bandits have brutally killed their husbands.

On the night she lost an arm, she lost more.

The bandits grabbed a 10-month-old baby she was breastfeeding and slashed it into two, forced her to watch her husband shot beside her and her second child killed by breaking the skull.

The villagers dread the next attack which they say will come, and there would be no security agents to defend them.

Didn’t the President deploy 5,000 drones “immediately” against bandits, when he visited Jos Airport? Tinubu is hardly working.

THE appointment of Fatima Zuntu as Director-General of the National Biosafety Management Agency, NBMA, has hit an iceberg.

The NBMA Act requires 15 years post-qualification experience.

Mrs. Zuntu left school 10 years ago.

The horde of people around President Tinubu can’t even screen a proposed appointee. We can only imagine what else they are not doing.

SOME communities in Kwara State have fallen under the control of bandits.

What is the benefit of being in the President’s party?

Governors of 31 States are firmly for the President but none of them is spared the attacks of bandits and terrorists.

What does the President do for those States?

Also read: Lagos Speaker Obasa Leads Prayers for Tinubu at 74

What does the President do for Nigeria?

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Rotary Urged To Prioritise Lasting Partnerships In West Africa

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Writer Ehi Braimah has called on Rotary clubs across West Africa to prioritise lasting partnerships over short-term projects as the region prepares for the 2026 West Africa Project Fair.

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The Fair, hosted by Rotary International Districts 9111 and 9112, is scheduled to hold from November 10 to 17 at the Balmoral Convention Centre, Sheraton Hotel, Ikeja, Lagos.

It will be flagged off by Rotary International President Olayinka Babalola and is expected to draw clubs, Rotarians, Rotaractors and international partners from nine districts across the region.

Braimah noted that the theme, “Partnerships for Lasting Impact,” reflects a shift from simply launching projects to ensuring that interventions continue to serve communities long after commissioning.

He argued that many development challenges in West Africa — including healthcare, education, water, sanitation, food security and environmental issues — transcend national borders and require collaborative solutions.

According to him, a common weakness in development work is the “project mentality,” where attention focuses on starting and completing initiatives rather than guaranteeing their long-term usefulness.

Braimah stressed that true partnerships go beyond sponsorship. They involve shared responsibility, technical expertise, institutional support, monitoring and local ownership.

He said the Project Fair offers a marketplace for clubs seeking funding or technical help to connect with partners who can provide resources, knowledge or institutional backing.

The column concluded that lasting impact is achieved when Rotary’s community presence is combined with the strengths of governments, businesses and development organisations, creating solutions that communities can sustain.

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Columnist Questions Future Of Tinubu Coastal Highway

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Columnist Ikeddy Isiguzo has raised fresh questions about the Lagos-Calabar Coastal Highway project and President Bola Tinubu’s second-term campaign strategy.

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In his latest piece, Isiguzo criticised what he described as inconsistencies in explanations offered by Works Minister David Umahi regarding changes to the multi-billion-dollar highway.

He argued that the project, originally presented as a flagship infrastructure plan, has faced technical and financial challenges that were not adequately addressed at the outset.

Isiguzo recalled earlier concerns he raised in 2024 about the absence of detailed technical designs, environmental assessments and competitive bidding processes.

He also commented on the political dimensions of the project, noting recent statements by the minister linking adjustments to the route with presidential directives.

Turning to the 2027 elections, the columnist suggested that President Tinubu appears reluctant to campaign extensively across the country, preferring to rely on party structures and selected regional appearances.

Isiguzo listed proposed campaign locations and questioned the exclusion of certain states, interpreting the itinerary as a sign of limited political confidence.

He further criticised the ruling party’s internal dynamics, including competition among senior figures for future positions.

The column concluded with a brief reference to recent comments by the Edo State APC chairman on Peter Obi, describing them as extreme.

Isiguzo’s article continues his pattern of sharp commentary on governance and infrastructure under the current administration.

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Researcher Outlines Ethics Of Covert Fieldwork In Decoupled Zones

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In the latest instalment of his Decoupling Sovereignty Index series, Max Amuchie examines the ethical obligations that arise when researchers adopt temporary identities to study decoupled zones.

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Writing in The Sunday Stew, the Sundiata Post CEO and theorist argues that any methodology requiring a researcher to live under a borrowed role creates three unavoidable duties: the role must be disciplined, the researcher must be able to leave, and the deception must be ethically justified.

Amuchie treats the persona as a contract rather than a costume. He advises keeping the cover story thin, performing the assumed job properly, and setting clear boundaries before entering the field. These boundaries include never participating in illegal activity, never passing information to armed groups, never manipulating relationships solely to extract information, and never assuming the identity of a real person.

He stresses that the exit must be designed before entry. At the Sundiata Post Knowledge Lab, no researcher enters a zone until the exit plan is written down. This includes external check-ins, pre-agreed triggers for withdrawal, an ordinary departure story, and separating data from the person so that the community is not exposed after the researcher leaves.

On the ethics of “going dark,” Amuchie applies four tests: necessity, proportionality, protection and accountability. Immersion is justified only when remote or rapid methods cannot answer the research question.

The knowledge gained must outweigh the deception, and no observed person should face foreseeable harm. An independent panel must review and can veto any covert plan.

He addresses three hard cases: what to do if the researcher witnesses a crime, what happens if the persona is exposed, and how to disclose the method without endangering people. Life outranks the cover. Where imminent danger exists, the researcher must warn or withdraw even if it ends the assignment.

Amuchie insists that the duty runs both ways. The people observed must not pay a price for the findings, and the researcher must be trained, fairly paid and free to refuse or withdraw without penalty.

The column concludes that a lie in the field is defensible only when the later account is fully honest about the method. The people may be protected; the method may not.

Part 4 of the series will examine how field evidence is translated into scores on the Decoupling Sovereignty Index.

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