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Tasks before the new Inspector-General of Police…

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Inspector-General of Police

Disu faces tough task as Nigeria police chief, with experts urging reforms on welfare, training and public trust

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By Bola BOLAWOLE

It is no longer news that Kayode Egbetokun has ceased to be Nigeria’s topmost police officer; the new sheriff in town, as it were, is Olatunji Disu. The change of batons took place less than a month ago.

Also Read: Nasiru Haladu Danu Foundation Lifts Dreams with Scholarships for 100 Students in  Jigawa

It was a case of one “family member” handing over to another “family member”. Both Egbetokun and Disu had served, respectively, as President Bola Ahmed Tinubu’s Chief Security Officer (CSO) and Aide-de-Camp (ADC) while Tinubu held sway as governor in Lagos state.

Apart from the two not being strangers to Tinubu and vice-versa, both officers were also not strangers to each other. Could that account for why Disu revived the moribund pull-out parade tradition for Egbetokun, allowing his predecessor to quit service in a blaze of glory? While some said yes, others countered that it was simply a measure of Disu’s magnanimity and his resolve to put the past behind him and face up squarely to the task at hand. That task is our beef here today.

To do justice to this is no less a personality than Professor Babafemi Badejo, who is not a stranger to this column. A professor of Political Science, lawyer, diplomat, author and activist in his own right, Badejo’s intervention is titled “Federal and Preferential Character and Political appointments in Nigeria”. Enjoy it! I will return to make some concluding remarks:

“I have observed the career of Rilwan Olatunji Disu for some time, and his emergence as the Inspector-General of Police on February 25, 2026 did not come as a surprise to me.

My analysis centres on Disu’s remarkable growth in broad academic knowledge across various important areas. These developments are crucial for transforming the Nigerian Police Force into the service it aspires to be, rather than the one it currently represents.

“No doubt, one of the greatest deceptions is telling Nigerians that the police are their friends. Such a lie is not solely the fault of the police, though. Why would anyone want to be friends in Nigeria, a country where the police are poorly paid and many politicians are worse than armed robbers? It’s a dog-eat-dog world!

“I am not the one calling Nigerian politicians ‘barau’. Many surveys, including the one I conducted in 2024 that had almost 1500 Nigerian participants across all the six geopolitical zones, as well as the efforts of the Independent Corrupt Practices Commission (ICPC), the Economic and Financial Crimes Commission (EFCC), and daily news reports suggest that corruption, manifesting as thievery of the national patrimony, is the in-thing for Nigerian politicians.

“So, can the new IGP solve the problem caused by politicians who make police extort the citizenry at every opportunity? What can he do to substantially improve on the low police-citizen relationship when politicians are not allocating funds for such a necessity? I wish he could make a difference on improving the state of our policing using enhanced budgetary allocation but I hastily state that such a task is beyond any IGP. As such, Nigeria will continue to be ravaged by systemic corruption at all levels of the polity.

“Tunji Disu was picked as IGP (from) a pool of AIGs and DIGs. The fact that the 1999 Nigerian Constitution, as amended, confirms that selection has consequences. One consequence is that the President gets to pick who serves in several offices, including professional ones like the armed forces.

He tries to balance “Federal Character”, the clearly discriminatory and anti-merit qua merit aspect of the Nigerian Constitution, as best as he could. (But) who would have the opportunity of picking the Chief Cop among several qualified officers and would miss a well-rounded officer who had been very instrumental in building a clear security-aiding institution in Lagos?

“The role of trust, a major component of preference, is also a very critical factor. It is public knowledge that the new IGP was ADC to the president when the latter was governor in Lagos.

The bond between ADC and boss tends to be very strong. Little wonder that the erstwhile ADC succeeded the erstwhile CSO to the same president.

For sure, we can change the Nigerian Constitution and remove federal character (as I would want) as well as preferential character.

“I am on record as having fought the federal character principle up to the Supreme Court as it unjustly discriminated against my daughter. The apex court refused to pronounce on the substance of the case and the 3-2 majority position offered no remedy to a wrong the highest court recognised. My position has not changed on this issue since 1988.

“Nonetheless… the attempt to ethnicise the appointment of Tunji Disu through concocted stories is condemnable… A look at the list of Deputy Inspectors-General of Police (DIGs) who were in line for consideration clearly shows that the appointment was not about where someone came from.

Why would those writing the ethnicised accounts conclude that it could only have been only one person when the pool of senior officers included several qualified individuals from various backgrounds?

“The list of senior DIGs includes: DIG Dankwara Adamu Mohammed (Adamawa State): Joined the force on May 18, 1992, promoted to DIG in 2025; due for retirement on October 1, 2026; DIG Adebola Ayinde Hamzat (Kwara State): Joined May 18, 1992; promoted to DIG in 2025. He is due for retirement on November 3, 2026; DIG Sadiq Idris Abubakar (Kano State): Joined May 18, 1992, promoted in March 2025; due for retirement on November 20, 2026; DIG Mohammed Usaini Gumel (Jigawa State): Joined May 18, 1992, promoted in December 2025; due for retirement on November 5, 2026; DIG Bzigu Yakubu Kwazhi (Adamawa State): Joined May 18, 1992, promoted in March 2025; due for retirement on April 10, 2027; DIG Frank Mba (Enugu State): Joined May 18, 1992, appointed DIG in June 2023; due for retirement on May 18, 2027; DIG Idegwu Basil Okuoma (Bayelsa State): Joined May 17, 1992, appointed DIG in 2025. He is expected to retire on May 18, 2027; DIG Funsho Adegboye (Osun State): Appointed DIG in January 2026; and DIG Fayoade Adegoke (Ogun State): Appointed DIG in February 2026.3.17…

“Importantly, no one has said these officers must necessarily and forcibly retire. In a recent development that further underscores the president’s prerogative and the need for a stable force, it was reported that the speculated mass firing of over 30 DIGs and AIGs following Disu’s takeover has been stopped.

This move suggests a desire for a more measured transition rather than a disruptive overhaul, giving the new IGP a degree of operational stability in his new role…

“What Nigeria needs today is a well-rounded Chief Cop capable of addressing the insecurity problems facing the nation. I do not want to engage on the several speculations as to why Ẹgbẹtokun resigned for “family reasons”… For me, both the president and Egbetokun played the “good cop, bad cop” situation or else, the president would have demanded his resignation the very day he gave the anti-State Police speech that Bola Bolawole had referred to in his column.

“Ẹgbẹtokun has had his time. I do not know what I can refer to as his legacy!

“I do hope, though, that IGP Tunji Disu would leave legacies. In advising the new IGP, one must look at data as well as the low-hanging fruits. A survey I conducted on Nigeria’s Corruption Perception with over 1,500 Nigerian respondents showed that a significant majority (1,218 Nigerians) were aware of the Nigerian Police Force (NPF) as an anti-corruption agency.

This data reveals a crucial paradox: while the public sees the police as part of the corruption problem, they also place a high expectation on it to be part of the solution. This is a heavy burden for the new IGP.

“To begin to address this crucial issue of corruption and start to build a more effective force, the IGP should prioritize a living wage and welfare package for junior police officers.

The greatest enabler of corruption at the lower levels is poor remuneration. Championing a genuine living wage for constables and inspectors would be the single most effective step towards curbing the routine extortion of members of the public that tarnishes the force’s image.

Next is investment in capacity-building, training, and re-training. A confident, well-trained officer is less likely to resort to intimidation and extortion.

Modernizing the training curriculum to focus on community policing, human rights, and modern investigative techniques is essential.

“The police must also enhance its investigative capabilities: The NPF’s reputation is severely damaged by poor investigation, leading to incessant miscarriage of justice. Strengthening the Forensic Department, especially incorporating modern AI capabilities, and the CID with modern equipment and specialized training will yield quick wins in public trust. Also, rewarding merit and competence is essential. While federal character is a constitutional reality, the IGP can ensure that postings and promotions within the force, as much as possible, reward demonstrated competence and hard work, thereby boosting morale…”

Well said! May I add that the first thing that puts me off with the average Nigerian policeman is his shabby dressing. As you dress, so you are addressed.

Next is their general comportment. Only last Monday in a banking hall, one fully kitted policeman jumped a queue and was challenged by another customer.

Also read: RENO OMOKRI & FEMI FANI-KAYODE: A TALE OF TWO SHAMELESS FRIENDS…

The irate policeman was ready to go into physical combat there and then! Finally, will the new IGP do something about the eyesore that police barracks have become all over the place! I live near one in Agege, Lagos. Oh my!

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Tegbe’s 24-Hour Energy Zones and the Shift From Megawatts to Money

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Tegbe

 By Sufuyan Ojeifo,

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There is a point at which a country’s electricity problem ceases to be merely an electricity problem. It becomes a problem of economic geography.

Also read: What Emmanuel Emefienim’s story teaches us about Nigeria’s possibilities

Where can factories operate with confidence? Where can businesses plan beyond the next appearance of a generator? Where can hospitals, schools, technology companies, markets and households begin to organise their lives around the reasonable expectation that electricity will be there?

This is the thinking behind the latest initiative from the Minister of Power, Joseph Tegbe, to develop what the Federal Government calls Energy Zones – defined corridors where homes, businesses and industries could receive stable, 24-hour electricity.

The proposed zones cover the Lagos axis, the Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor and the Enugu-Port Harcourt corridor. Tegbe’s latest move is a meeting with selected electricity distribution companies to begin working through what it would take to make the idea real.

At first glance, it sounds like another promise of uninterrupted electricity in a country that has heard too many such promises. However, there is something more consequential in the architecture of the proposal.

Tegbe is asking Nigerians to look at the power problem differently.

For years, the national conversation has been dominated by generation. How many megawatts are being produced? How much can the transmission grid carry? How many generating plants are working? These are important questions. But electricity does not become useful simply because it has been generated.

It must travel. It must be received. It must be distributed. And ultimately, somebody must be able to use it. That last part has often been treated as the end of the conversation when, in reality, it is where the economic value of electricity begins.

Tegbe has put the point plainly. The constraint is not limited to generation and transmission; it also includes how much electricity can be taken up and delivered at the distribution end.

The proposed Energy Zones are intended to address precisely that gap while improving commercial demand and the revenue performance of the distribution companies.

There is an important idea here.

Nigeria does not necessarily have to wait for every weakness in the electricity value chain to be solved simultaneously before beginning to create pockets of reliability.

A country of more than 200 million people, with enormous differences in industrial activity, population density and commercial demand, may have to proceed through carefully selected economic corridors while the wider system is repaired.

This is not an argument for abandoning the national grid. It is an argument for making the grid more economically purposeful.

The three corridors selected by the Ministry are revealing. Lagos and its adjoining industrial axis represent perhaps the country’s most concentrated commercial and industrial demand.

The Abuja-Kaduna-Kano corridor connects the political capital with major commercial and industrial centres in the North. Enugu-Port Harcourt links important commercial, manufacturing and energy-producing communities in the South-East and South-South.

These are not simply lines on a power map. They are lines on Nigeria’s economic map. That distinction matters.

For too long, Nigerians have experienced electricity largely as a household inconvenience. The light goes off. The generator comes on. A business buys diesel. A manufacturer factors self-generation into production costs. A hospital makes contingency arrangements.

A young entrepreneur learns, often painfully, that the real price of electricity is not what appears on the bill but what it costs to keep the business alive when the supply fails.

A reliable electricity corridor changes that equation.

If a factory knows that a particular industrial cluster has dependable power, investment decisions begin to change.

If a commercial district can plan around predictable electricity, operating costs become easier to manage.

If businesses can depend on supply for most of the day, generators can move from being the first line of defence to being what they were always supposed to be: backup.

This is where Tegbe’s technocratic instincts may prove significant.

His background is not that of a career power-sector operator. His professional experience has largely been in consulting, fiscal and economic reform, institutional transformation and advisory work. That background has been visible in his early approach to the ministry – diagnosis, audits, financial questions, infrastructure bottlenecks, and attempts to identify where one part of the system is preventing another from functioning properly.

His Energy Zones proposal fits that pattern. It treats the electricity market less as a single machine waiting for one dramatic repair and more as a system of interconnected constraints that can be isolated, diagnosed and addressed.

Tegbe had already identified the three corridors as priorities for grid stabilisation, with technical audits intended to establish the condition of critical infrastructure. The latest engagement with DisCos suggests that the idea is now moving beyond technical diagnosis towards the more difficult question of how distribution will work within those corridors.

That is where the hard work begins.

A 24-hour power zone cannot be created by a press statement. It requires generation that is available when needed, transmission capacity that can carry it, distribution infrastructure capable of receiving it, transformers and feeders that can withstand the load, metering that properly captures consumption, customers willing and able to pay, and a commercial structure in which the various participants have an incentive to keep the system working.

It also requires protection. Vandalism and energy theft do not respect administrative boundaries. Neither do faulty equipment, unpaid bills or poor collection practices. Tegbe himself has acknowledged that the sector’s problems reinforce one another. Weak collections affect the market. Market weakness affects maintenance and gas payments. Unreliable supply in turn depresses collections.

This is why the Energy Zone experiment, if it is to succeed, must be judged by more than the number of hours electricity is available.

The real test will be whether reliability begins to produce economic consequences. Does industrial output increase? Do businesses spend less on self-generation? Does investment respond? Do DisCos collect more because customers are receiving a service they can trust? Does the government recover enough value from improved commercial activity to justify further infrastructure investment?

Those are the questions that should eventually accompany the glossy language of 24-hour power.

And there is another question that Tegbe and the Federal Government will have to confront: what happens outside the zones?

Nigeria cannot become a collection of electrically privileged corridors surrounded by communities waiting indefinitely for their turn.

The logic of concentrating investment in high-demand areas can be defended economically, especially if the resulting commercial activity strengthens the wider electricity market.

But the strategy will ultimately have to demonstrate how successful zones become stepping stones towards broader reliability.

That is the difference between an experiment and a system.

There is also a danger in admiring the architecture of reform from the comfort of an office.

It has to be said here that the statement issued by the minister’s media aide was long on ambition and conspicuously short on the details that matter. No timeline. No capacity targets. No specific investment figures. It is the kind of announcement that has, historically, been the precursor to nothing at all.

So Nigerians should watch the idea with interest, but also with the healthy scepticism that comes from decades of promises about electricity.

The minister deserves a measure of credit for at least diagnosing an important part of the illness.

For once, the conversation has shifted from the head to the feet – from generation to distribution, from megawatts to money.

At the same time, the Nigerian people have been given blueprints before. They have learned to admire the drawings while the building crumbles.

The Energy Zones remain a proposal. The government has not yet announced the detailed capacity requirements, implementation timetable or precise infrastructure investments that would make 24-hour supply possible.

That is not necessarily a fatal flaw. It may simply mean the idea is still being worked out.

But it does mean that the language of 24-hour power should be treated as an aspiration until it is matched by the machinery of implementation.

Yet the proposal deserves attention because it reflects a potentially important shift in the way the power problem is being conceived.

Nigeria may not fix its electricity crisis in one heroic sweep. It may have to build reliability corridor by corridor, demand centre by demand centre, and economic cluster by economic cluster.

There is nothing inherently glamorous about such work. It is engineering, finance, regulation, distribution and relentless attention to the weak link in the chain. But perhaps that is precisely the point.

The country has spent decades waiting for the great national electricity breakthrough.

Tegbe’s emerging approach suggests something less dramatic and potentially more practical: make a few economically critical parts of the system work properly, learn from them, strengthen the model, and expand it.

The success of that approach will ultimately be measured not in speeches or megawatts, but in what Nigerians can do with the electricity when it arrives.

Does the factory run a second shift? Does the business hire more workers? Does the hospital keep its equipment running through the night? Does the young entrepreneur stop budgeting for diesel and start budgeting for growth?

Also read: What Emmanuel Emefienim’s story teaches us about Nigeria’s possibilities

That is where the real power story begins. And that is the standard against which Tegbe’s Energy Zones should ultimately be judged: not by whether 24-hour power sounds impressive in a press release, but by whether the lights stay on long enough for Nigerians to build something with them.

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What Emmanuel Emefienim’s story teaches us about Nigeria’s possibilities

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Nigeria

By Ehi Braimah,

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I joined The Platform live on Channels Television on Thursday October 1 to listen to inspiring conversations about Nigeria. What I heard from Dr. Emmanuel Emefienim, Founder and Managing Director/CEO of Premium Trust Bank, was much more than a motivational speech.

Also read: Nigeria @66: Obasa Says Tinubu’s 2027 Re-election Will Secure Reform Gains

It was a masterclass in resilience, ambition, leadership, relationships, knowledge, faith and the power of refusing to give up.

The Platform, organised by The Covenant Place under the leadership of Senior Paster Poju Oyemade, has become an important public conversation that brings Nigerians together around ideas, experiences and possibilities.

Held on May 1 and October 1 in a town-hall setting and televised live, it has consistently provided a platform for Nigerians to share stories that can inspire particularly the younger generation to believe in themselves and in their country.

Dr. Emefienim’s story deserves to be told beyond the walls of The Platform because it is not simply the story of one successful banker; it is a Nigerian story about what can happen when adversity meets determination. After completing his NYSC, Emefienim applied for 70 jobs.

Only four organisations, according to him, responded. He eventually joined Oceanic Bank at the age of 22.

At some point, he was transferred from Lagos to Asaba. His career subsequently took him to Savannah Bank in Port Harcourt, where he became a regional manager.

Then came the shock that could have destroyed everything. I mean, everything: his plans, big dreams and bright future.

One weekend, Emefienim travelled to Warri to spend time with his family. When he returned to work on Monday, he discovered that Savannah Bank had been liquidated. There were no members of staff waiting for him.

Instead, officials of the Central Bank of Nigeria and the Nigeria Deposit Insurance Corporation were there. There had been no warning.

Suddenly, the man who had an official car and driver was without a job. He was married, in his 30s, and his wife was a civil servant. His professional world had collapsed almost overnight. What did he do? He did not give up.

His driver took him to Benin City. From there, he travelled to Lagos, using a public transport service, to see a manager at FSB, a bank that had previously offered him a job while he was still at Savannah Bank. He had declined the offer then.

Now, Emefienim needed the job, but the manager, obviously angry and wanted to have his pound of flesh back, ignored him and kept him waiting for three days.

It would have been easy to interpret the experience as humiliation and walk away. But Emefienim remained focused. Eventually, the manager saw him and offered him a job – but at a lower level.

He moved from senior manager to deputy manager and was posted to Yenagoa in Bayelsa State which he accepted as he had no choice at the time.

That decision contains a profound lesson: sometimes, starting again is not failure; it is strategy. There are moments in life when circumstances force us to take a step backwards so that we can eventually move forward.

The important thing is not the temporary position we occupy, or feelings of rejection experienced or disappointments that we face, but whether we can continue moving towards the destination.

Emefienim had a big dream. He recalled telling the Managing Director of Oceanic Bank and some colleagues that one day he would become the managing director of a bank himself. While the MD encouraged him to pursue his goal, his colleagues laughed at him.

His response is one of the most memorable lines from his presentation: when people don’t laugh at your dream, perhaps the dream is not big enough. That is a message Nigeria’s young people need to hear.

Too many young people allow their current circumstances to define their future, but the future does not necessarily resemble the present.

A young person who is struggling today may become an employer tomorrow, and someone rejected for a job may eventually build an institution that employs hundreds or thousands of people.

Emefienim’s own journey demonstrates this. He continued to rise through Equatorial Trust Bank and later Sterling Bank, following mergers and acquisitions in the Nigerian banking industry.

He rose through the ranks – AGM, DGM, GM and Executive Director – while continuing to acquire knowledge.

He attended Harvard Business School several times. But perhaps more importantly, he did not keep the knowledge to himself – he invested in people.

He personally sponsored some of his managers to also attend Harvard. When the time came for him to leave Sterling Bank and establish Premium Trust Bank, six of the seven managers he had trained agreed to join him.

That is a powerful definition of leadership. A leader is someone who reaches the top and helps others rise.

This is particularly important in Nigeria, where the quality of human capital will ultimately determine how competitive our economy becomes. Buildings, technology, capital and infrastructure matter, but people make institutions work.

Emefienim also spoke about relationships and networks as critical elements of success.

This is another lesson worth emphasising. Knowledge is important, but relationships create opportunities for knowledge to be applied.

Networks create access, partnerships and possibilities because nobody succeeds entirely alone.

His story also contains an important lesson about family resilience. After experiencing the trauma of losing his job without warning, he empowered his wife to start a business.

He wanted to ensure that his family would never again be placed in such a vulnerable position because one person’s employment had suddenly disappeared resulting in loss of income.

That was more than a financial decision – it was an act of foresight. Today, the story has come full circle. The young man who once submitted 70 applications looking for employment is now the founder and owner of a bank.

Premium Trust Bank, which commenced commercial banking operations as a regional bank in April 2022, has grown into a national banking institution with 35 branches.

Emefienim spoke proudly about its growth and profitability and its successful participation in the banking industry’s recapitalisation programme, raising N200 billion, the threshold for national banks, and achieving a historic milestone as one of Nigeria’s 10 most profitable banks.

There is something profoundly Nigerian about this story. Nigeria is often described in terms of its problems – unemployment, infrastructure deficits, insecurity, poverty, weak institutions and other challenges. These problems are real and should not be minimised.

But Nigeria is also a country of extraordinary human possibilities. Our greatest resource is not oil neither is it our large population; it is the capacity of Nigerians to create, innovate, adapt, build businesses, solve problems and compete. This is one of the central ideas behind my forthcoming book, How Naija can conquer the world.

The book is about Nigeria’s economic potential, global ambition and the strategies required to achieve greater prosperity. I argue that Nigeria’s success should not be measured simply by the size of its economy.

Instead, we should be concerned about rising incomes, productivity, exports, globally competitive companies, human capital and the ability to create value for the world.

Emefienim’s story illustrates several of these principles. He acquired knowledge, built relationships, invested in people, remained focused, executed consistently, understood his environment, adapted when circumstances changed, dreamed beyond his immediate reality, and remained anchored in faith.

His reference to what he calls “revelational knowledge” – spiritual insight and instruction he believes come from God – adds another dimension to his philosophy.

For him, formal education and professional experience are important, but they exist alongside faith and spiritual guidance.

There is another lesson here for Nigeria: we need more people who are prepared to build institutions rather than merely look for opportunities. When Nigerians build strong companies, they create jobs, and when they invest in people, they create human capital.

We have the capacity to develop globally competitive products and services for exports. Clearly, the moral of Emefienim’s story is that we should build institutions that survive beyond their founders and contribute to national prosperity.

This is how a nation moves from potential to prosperity.

Listening to Dr. Emefienim, I was reminded that Nigeria does not lack stories of courage, enterprise and achievement.

Perhaps what we lack is a sufficiently organised effort to tell these stories and convert them into a powerful national narrative.

We need to tell young Nigerians that setbacks are not destinies. An entrepreneur’s small business today can become tomorrow’s major institution.

We need to tell professionals that continuous learning matters; tell leaders that investing in people is one of the highest forms of leadership, and also tell the world that Nigeria is much more than the challenges that frequently dominate international headlines. Dr. Emmanuel Emefienim has done well.

From a young graduate searching for his first job, to a banker who survived the collapse of a major institution, got another job within four days, to a senior executive, and an entrepreneur who built his own bank, his journey is a powerful reminder of what determination can accomplish.

His story is not an invitation to ignore Nigeria’s problems, but he is simply saying we should confront them with courage.

Nigeria needs more dreamers – but also more doers. We need people who can dream big, acquire knowledge, build relationships, invest in others and execute with consistency.

That is how nations are built.

Also read: Nigeria @66: Obasa Says Tinubu’s 2027 Re-election Will Secure Reform Gains

Perhaps that is the deeper message of The Platform: Nigeria’s future will be created by Nigerians who believe that something better is possible – and then roll up their sleeves and build it.

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RE: State Creation Or Political Theatre? – Correcting the Misunderstanding of Otunba Gbenga Daniel’s Role

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Gbenga Daniel

By Zubair, M.O,

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The article by Kunle Adesanya is eloquently written but fundamentally misrepresents how state creation works in Nigeria and what H.E Senator Otunba Gbenga Daniel is actually doing.

Also read: GFF Holds Free Medical Screening Ahead of October Surgeries

It accuses H.E Senator Otunba Gbenga Justus Daniel of deception for doing exactly what the Constitution expects a sponsor of a state creation bill to do.

  1. The Senator Never Claimed He Can Create a State Alone

No serious person, and certainly not a two-term Governor and current Senator who is a trained Engineer, believes he can create a state by fiat.

Section 8 of the 1999 Constitution places the responsibility for state creation on multiple institutions, but someone must initiate and drive the process. That is the role of the sponsor.

H.E Senator Otunba Gbenga Justus Daniel sponsored Senate Bill 564 on 27th November 2024 for Ijebu State. He has never said the bill alone equals a state. What he has done is the legitimate legislative work:

  • Building national consensus across party lines, culminating in the publicized backing of 75 Senators as of July 2026, which surpasses the two-thirds of the Senate required to advance a constitutional alteration proposal.
  • Securing buy-in from the affected population through consultations with the late Awujale, the Akarigbo, and all Ijebu and Remo traditional councils.
  • Harmonizing the name to Ijebu-Remo State to preserve Remo identity after the Remo Traditional Council meeting of July 3, 2025.

To call these steps “political theatre” is to misunderstand legislative advocacy. How else is a referendum supposed to succeed without prior traditional and political consensus?

  • A Palace Endorsement Is Not Meant To Replace a Referendum – It Is Meant To Prepare For It

The article mocks palace meetings as if our H.E Senator Otunba Gbenga Daniel is presenting them as a substitute for a referendum. He is not!, kindly be informed, sir!.

In Nigerian state creation history, no referendum has ever been conducted without first demonstrating that the people of the affected area want the state. The way you demonstrate that desire before INEC conducts a referendum is through resolutions of traditional councils, local government councils, professional bodies, and community leaders.

The meeting at the Palace of the Awujale on September 28, 2026, where Ijebu-Ode was endorsed as proposed capital, was not presented as a constitutional finality. It was presented as what it was – stakeholder alignment. That alignment is a prerequisite for the next stages, not a replacement for them.

  • The Constitutional Roadmap Has Been Made Public

Contrary to the claim that there is “political fog,” H.E Senator Otunba Gbenga Daniel has been transparent about the architecture:

  • Stage 1 – Legislative Sponsorship: Done. Bill sponsored.
  • Stage 2 – National Assembly Support: Substantially advanced. 75 Senators, exceeding the 73 required.
  • Stage 3 – State and Local Support: Ongoing. Consultations with Ogun State House of Assembly members and Local Government Chairmen from Ogun East.
  • Stage 4 – Referendum: Will be conducted by INEC when the National Assembly passes the bill to that stage.
  • Stage 5 – Approval by 24 State Houses of Assembly and final passage by National Assembly and Presidential Assent.

This is the same roadmap every other state creation request is following. None of the 30+ state creation requests before the 10th National Assembly has reached referendum stage. To single out Ijebu-Remo and demand referendum documents today is to feign ignorance of where the entire national process is.

  • On Capital and Name Evolution – That Is Consensus Building, Not Confusion

The article points to the evolution from Ijebu State to Ijebu-Remo State as evidence of inconsistency. It is actually evidence of leadership and listening.

Remo people, through the Remo Committee on State Creation, had valid concerns about identity and capital. Instead of imposing Ijebu State, our dear leader, H.E Senator Otunba Gbenga Daniel facilitated a compromise that produced Ijebu-Remo State with clear recognition of both identities. That is how you build the unity needed to win a two-thirds referendum.

Conclusion

The people of Ijebuland are not being deceived. They know state creation is difficult – it has not happened since 1996. What our Senator has done is what no elected representative from Ogun East has done in the last 30 years: move the demand from street agitation to the floor of the Senate, secure national legislative numbers, and force it into serious constitutional consideration.

To call that “straws dressed up as milestones” is unfair. The 75 Senators are not straws. The public hearing of July 4, 2025 is not a straw. The unified position of Ijebu and Remo Obas is not a straw.

These are constitutional footprints. The documents do speak – for anyone willing to read them beyond political cynicism.

 

*ZMO writes from Ijebu Ode

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